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From: Marmalade King tRUMP <x@y.com>
Newsgroups: alt.fan.rush-limbaugh,alt.atheism,alt.home.repair,alt.politics.trump,rec.arts.tv,can.politics
Subject: It's Trump vs. the Courts, and It Won't End Well for Trump
Date: Tue, 25 Mar 2025 14:31:05 -0000 (UTC)
Organization: A noiseless patient Spider

 
It's Trump vs. the Courts, and It Won’t End Well for Trump
March 23, 2025, 7:00 a.m. ET
 

By J. Michael Luttig
Judge Luttig was appointed by President George H.W. Bush and served on the 
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit from 1991 to 2006.
President Trump has wasted no time in his second term in declaring war on the 
nation’s federal judiciary, the country’s legal profession and the rule of 
law. He has provoked a constitutional crisis with his stunning frontal 
assault on the third branch of government and the American system of justice. 
The casualty could well be the constitutional democracy Americans fought for 
in the Revolutionary War against the British monarchy 250 years ago.
Mr. Trump has yearned for this war against the federal judiciary and the rule 
of law since his first term in office. He promised to exact retribution 
against America’s justice system for what he has long mistakenly believed is 
the federal government’s partisan “weaponization” against him.
It’s no secret that he reserves special fury for the justice system because 
it oversaw his entirely legitimate prosecution for what the government 
charged were the crimes of attempting to overturn the 2020 presidential 
election and purloining classified documents from the White House, secreting 
them at Mar-a-Lago and obstructing the government’s efforts to reclaim them. 
He escaped the prosecutions by winning a second term, stopping them in their 
tracks.
But unless Mr. Trump immediately turns an about-face and beats a fast 
retreat, not only will he plunge the nation deeper into constitutional 
crisis, which he appears fully willing to do, he will also find himself 
increasingly hobbled even before his already vanishing political honeymoon is 
over.
The bill of particulars against Mr. Trump is long and foreboding. For years 
Mr. Trump has viciously attacked judges, threatened their safety, and 
recently he called for the impeachment of a federal judge who has ruled 
against his administration. He has issued patently unconstitutional orders 
targeting law firms and lawyers who represent clients he views as enemies. He 
has vowed to weaponize the Department of Justice against his political 
opponents. He has blithely ignored judicial orders that he is bound by the 
Constitution to follow and enforce.
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There has been much talk in recent weeks of this constitutional crisis, in 
which the president has defied and stonewalled the federal judiciary as he 
has sought to consolidate his power. The Republicans who control Congress 
have already demonstrated their fealty to Mr. Trump. All that is left to 
check his impulses is the nation’s independent judiciary, which Alexander 
Hamilton deemed “essential” to our country’s constitutional governance. A 
country without an independent judiciary is not one in which any of us should 
want to live, except perhaps Mr. Trump while he resides in the White House.
Last week, he tossed more matches into the fire he has long been stoking 
against the rule of law.
On Tuesday, Mr. Trump called for the impeachment of Judge James E. Boasberg, 
the chief judge of the United States District Court for the District of 
Columbia, after the judge ordered a pause on the deportation to El Salvador 
of more than 200 Venezuelan migrants said to be gang members.
For good measure, Mr. Trump called the judge a “Radical Left Lunatic of a 
Judge, a troublemaker and agitator.” All this because Judge Boasberg wanted 
first to determine whether the administration was correct in invoking the 
Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to deport the Venezuelan immigrants without a 
hearing. It’s called due process, which is guaranteed by the Constitution to 
ensure that no person is deprived of life, liberty or property without due 
process of law.
Within hours, the tectonic plates of the constitutional order shifted beneath 
Mr. Trump’s feet. The chief justice of the United States, John G. Roberts Jr. 
— the head of the third branch of government — rebuked the president in a 
rare missive. “For more than two centuries, it has been established that 
impeachment is not an appropriate response to disagreement concerning a 
judicial decision,” the chief justice instructed.
 
Unbowed, Mr. Trump laced into Judge Boasberg the next day on his Truth Social 
platform: “If a President doesn’t have the right to throw murderers, and 
other criminals, out of our Country because a Radical Left Lunatic Judge 
wants to assume the role of President, then our Country is in very big 
trouble, and destined to fail!”
No one wants murderers or other criminals to be allowed to stay in this 
country, but to rid the country of them the president first must follow the 
Constitution. Judge Boasberg doesn’t want to assume the role of president; 
the president wants to assume the role of judge.
At a hearing on Friday, in a further development in this showdown between the 
president and the judiciary, Judge Boasberg expressed skepticism about the 
administration’s use of a wartime statute to deport immigrants without a 
hearing to challenge whether they were gang members, as the government has 
asserted. “The policy ramifications of this are incredibly troublesome and 
problematic and concerning,” he said.
He also said he planned to “get to the bottom” of whether the Trump 
administration had violated his temporary order against the deportations.
Mr. Trump seems supremely confident, though deludedly so, that he can win 
this war against the federal judiciary, just as he was deludedly confident 
that he could win the war he instigated against America’s democracy after the 
2020 election.
The very thought of having to submit to his nemesis, the federal judiciary, 
must be anguishing for Mr. Trump, who only last month proclaimed, “He who 
saves his Country does not violate any Law.” But the judiciary will never 
surrender its constitutional role to interpret the Constitution, no matter 
how often Mr. Trump and his allies call for the impeachment of judges who 
have ruled against him. As Chief Justice John Marshall explained almost 225 
years ago in the seminal case of Marbury v. Madison, “It is emphatically the 
province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.”
If Mr. Trump continues to attempt to usurp the authority of the courts, the 
battle will be joined, and it will be up to the Supreme Court, Congress and 
the American people to step forward and say: Enough. As the Declaration of 
Independence said, referring to King George III of Britain, “A prince, whose 
character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to 
be the ruler of a free people.”
Mr. Trump appears to have forgotten that Americans fought the Revolutionary 
War to secure their independence from the British monarchy and establish a 
government of laws, not of men, so that Americans would never again be 
subject to the whims of a tyrannical king. As Thomas Paine wrote in “Common 
Sense” in 1776, “in America the law is king. For as in absolute governments 
the king is law, so in free countries the law ought to be king; and there 
ought to be no other.”
If the president oversteps his authority in his dispute with Judge Boasberg, 
the Supreme Court will step in and assert its undisputed constitutional power 
“to say what the law is.” A rebuke from the nation’s highest court in his 
wished-for war with the nation’s federal courts could well cripple Mr. 
Trump’s presidency and tarnish his legacy.
And Chief Justice Marshall’s assertion that it is the duty of the courts to 
say what the law is will be the last word.