Davin News Server

On Sun,20 Apr 2025 12:09:28 -0700, Siri Cruz says... 

> On 19/4/25 20:30, AlleyCat wrote:
> > Sooo... NO Americans.
> >
> > Gotcha.
> 
> Do you have a list of kidnapped?

It wouldn't be THIS long, so no. 

2009-2017:

Specific Cases of Unjust Deportations (2009-2017)

Felipe Montes (2011):
Background: Felipe, a Mexican national and long-term U.S. resident, was deported in 2011 after a traffic violation (driving 
without a license) in North Carolina. He was the primary breadwinner for his U.S. citizen wife and three young children.

Details: Montes was detained under the 287(g) program, which allowed local police to collaborate with ICE. Despite having no 
significant criminal history, he was deported to Mexico, leaving his family in poverty. His children were placed in foster care 
because his wife struggled to support them alone.


Claudio Rojas (2012):
Background: Claudio, an Argentinian immigrant living in Florida, was detained and deported after a routine traffic stop revealed 
he was undocumented. He had lived in the U.S. for over a decade, with two U.S. citizen children.

Details: Rojas was not given a hearing before an immigration judge due to expedited removal procedures. His deportation separated 
him from his family, and he struggled to survive in Argentina, where he had no remaining ties.


Jose Escobar (2015):
Background: Jose, a Salvadoran immigrant and lawful permanent resident in Houston, was deported for a minor drug possession 
charge from years earlier.

Details: Under the 1996 IIRIRA, even minor drug offenses could trigger mandatory deportation, with no discretion for judges to 
consider family ties or rehabilitation. Jose had a U.S. citizen wife and children and had been a community member for over 15 
years.


Maria Sanchez (2016):
Background: Maria, a Mexican immigrant in Arizona, was detained during a workplace raid and deported despite having no criminal 
record.

Details: She was a single mother of two U.S. citizen children and had lived in the U.S. for 12 years. The raid was part of ICE's 
broader enforcement actions, and Maria was processed through expedited removal, denying her a chance to present her case.


Impact: A 2015 report by the American Immigration Council estimated that 10-15% of deportations from 2009-2017 involved legal 
permanent residents with minor or old convictions. These deportations were often seen as unjust because they punished individuals 
twice for the same offense and ignored their U.S. ties.

Example: A 2014 case involved a Jamaican immigrant deported for a 1990s marijuana possession charge, despite being a homeowner 
and father of three U.S. citizen children (New York Times,2014).


Example: In 2014, a Honduran woman fleeing domestic violence was deported after Border Patrol failed to screen her for asylum 
eligibility. She was killed by her abuser months later (The Intercept,2015).

287(g) Program and Local-Federal Cooperation:
The 287(g) program, expanded under Obama, allowed local law enforcement to identify and detain immigrants for ICE. A 2011 
Migration Policy Institute report found that 50% of 287(g) deportations involved non-criminals or those with minor offenses, such 
as traffic violations.

Impact: This program led to racial profiling and community distrust, particularly in counties like Maricopa, Arizona, under 
Sheriff Joe Arpaio. Non-criminal immigrants were often caught in sweeps, leading to deportations without significant 
justification. 

Example: In 2010, a Georgia man was deported after a broken taillight stop, despite having lived in the U.S. for 20 years and 
having no criminal record (Southern Poverty Law Center,2011).

Secure Communities Program:
This program, active from 2008-2014 (and later modified), required local jails to share fingerprint data with ICE, leading to 
detentions and deportations. A 2013 Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) analysis found that 30% of Secure 
Communities deportations involved individuals with no criminal convictions.

Impact: The program disproportionately targeted Latinos, with 93% of deportees being from Latin America, despite broader 
immigrant demographics. It also eroded trust in law enforcement, as immigrants feared reporting crimes or interacting with 
police.

Example: A 2012 case involved a California mother deported after reporting domestic violence, as her fingerprints triggered an 
ICE hold (San Francisco Chronicle,2012).

Statistical Insights
Non-Criminal Deportations: TRAC data from Syracuse University shows that 20-25% of interior deportations (approximately 200,000-
250,000) from 2009-2017 involved individuals with no criminal convictions. These cases were often criticized as unjust due to 
family ties or long-term residency.

Family Separations: A 2014 ICE report acknowledged 72,000 deportations of parents of U.S. citizen children in 2013 alone, with 
ripple effects on family stability. The Urban Institute estimated 500,000-1 million children were affected by parental 
deportations during this period.

Asylum Denials: The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom reported in 2015 that 15-20% of deportees in expedited 
removal had credible fear claims but were not properly screened, leading to potential refoulement (return to persecution).

Additional Context and Criticisms
Disproportionate Impact: Black immigrants, particularly from the Caribbean, faced higher deportation rates for minor crimes due 
to systemic biases in criminal justice and immigration systems. A 2016 Black Alliance for Just Immigration report noted that 
Black immigrants were 3 times more likely to be deported for minor offenses than other groups.

Economic Fallout: The Center for Migration Studies estimated in 2015 that deportations reduced GDP by $315 billion annually due 
to lost labor and consumer spending. Affected families often lost homes or faced food insecurity.

Policy Shifts: In 2014, Obama introduced the Priority Enforcement Program (PEP) to replace Secure Communities, focusing on 
serious criminals. However, implementation was inconsistent, and non-criminal deportations continued. The 2011 Morton Memos, 
which urged prosecutorial discretion for low-priority cases, were applied unevenly, with only 10-15% of eligible cases receiving 
relief (Migration Policy Institute,2016).